Paul, this is an important question for which I have no evidence-based answer. I have discussed this with policing experts who say that the only way to really find out would be to do some systematic probing of law enforcement officials' social media accounts. That undertaking seems unlikely to me for all kinds of reasons, including privacy protections, impacts on force morale, and leadership challenges. I suppose we all hope that the answer to the question is that while some sympathy in pockets of law enforcement agencies may have existed and would not have been surprising, it didn't have an impact on actual policing responses.
Thank you for the comprehensive and informative wrap-up. I'm thinking there is one more mystery not really covered during the proceedings and, I suspect, will not be addressed in the final report. When it became obvious that municipal enforcement capabilities were insufficient, why did the province not lean into the problem and mobilize provincial capabilities. We saw a bit of this with the RCMP and OPP, but no real provincial government engagement.
Today, I scanned my library of Australian, UK and US intelligence-oriented commission studies over the past years (Flood, Chilcott, 9/11 Commission) and noted that all resulted in decisive re-organizations. I wonder is any such decisive action will flow from the Rouleau Commission.
Hi Wesley. Here is a question from a new subscriber and freelance writer. How much sympathy for the Freedom Convoy existed among police officers who historically tend to be right wing or conservative. The Convoy had advisors who were former security people. We know there was some but to what degree. We dont know. And did police sympathies for the convoy lead to a paralysis among members of the Ottawa police. Clearly, we know that the Ottawa police would have responded differently if the protestors had been black or Indigenous folks blocking a road or a train line.
Paul, this is an important question for which I have no evidence-based answer. I have discussed this with policing experts who say that the only way to really find out would be to do some systematic probing of law enforcement officials' social media accounts. That undertaking seems unlikely to me for all kinds of reasons, including privacy protections, impacts on force morale, and leadership challenges. I suppose we all hope that the answer to the question is that while some sympathy in pockets of law enforcement agencies may have existed and would not have been surprising, it didn't have an impact on actual policing responses.
Thank you for the comprehensive and informative wrap-up. I'm thinking there is one more mystery not really covered during the proceedings and, I suspect, will not be addressed in the final report. When it became obvious that municipal enforcement capabilities were insufficient, why did the province not lean into the problem and mobilize provincial capabilities. We saw a bit of this with the RCMP and OPP, but no real provincial government engagement.
Today, I scanned my library of Australian, UK and US intelligence-oriented commission studies over the past years (Flood, Chilcott, 9/11 Commission) and noted that all resulted in decisive re-organizations. I wonder is any such decisive action will flow from the Rouleau Commission.
Hi Wesley. Here is a question from a new subscriber and freelance writer. How much sympathy for the Freedom Convoy existed among police officers who historically tend to be right wing or conservative. The Convoy had advisors who were former security people. We know there was some but to what degree. We dont know. And did police sympathies for the convoy lead to a paralysis among members of the Ottawa police. Clearly, we know that the Ottawa police would have responded differently if the protestors had been black or Indigenous folks blocking a road or a train line.